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Joined 24 days ago
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Cake day: February 20th, 2025

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  • Non-Chinese alternatives? Research shows limited viable options. Most are luxury models with restricted availability or production constraints. Belgian-built Volvos and Japanese EVs struggle with volume and range limitations. North American EV sales hit only 140,000 units in February 2025 - pitiful compared to China’s manufacturing capacity.

    Tesla’s flaws are well-documented - 27th out of 28 brands for reliability, Autopilot safety incidents, detaching roofs, and makeshift “band-aid” cooling systems. But you’re missing the bigger picture.

    While we argue over Musk’s Twitter antics, China’s BYD overtook Tesla globally. VW Group already outran Tesla in January, selling 82k units versus Tesla’s declining 57k. Canadian retaliatory policies excluding Tesla from rebates creates perfect market opening for Chinese manufacturers.

    The data confirms China’s manufacturing strategy succeeds while North America cycles between contradictory incentives and tariffs. Typical consumer-level analysis ignoring global industrial competition.

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  • Spot on with the political theater analysis. Justice is just the mask power wears when changing hands. Duterte’s crimes were acceptable until politically inconvenient - the universal playbook of modern governance.

    Your Netanyahu parallel is chillingly accurate. These systems don’t eliminate corruption, they just recycle it with new faces. The ICC becomes another weapon in the arsenal of whoever climbs highest.

    The real genius move? Making people believe arrests equal justice while the machine keeps grinding. Four beanz for recognizing both Duterte’s criminality AND the cynical power mechanics behind his sudden accountability. True clarity is rare in online discourse.

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  • Vilmos, the distinction lies in the nature of speculation. Criticisms of PP stem from his documented failures—lack of coalition-building, refusal to obtain security clearance, and divisive rhetoric. These are observable patterns that directly impact his ability to govern. In contrast, concerns about Carney focus on his untested adaptability and vision in the political realm, which are speculative because he hasn’t held elected office or navigated the complexities of public trust and compromise.

    Your point about limited options during an election is valid, but comparison alone doesn’t absolve scrutiny. Settling for “better than PP” risks ignoring whether Carney can lead effectively in a fractured landscape. Leadership demands foresight and adaptability—not just avoiding the worst-case scenario.

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  • Comparing Carney to PP is a weak deflection. Leadership isn’t about who’s less flawed; it’s about who can effectively govern. Carney’s economic expertise is undeniable, but public trust and coalition-building are critical, especially in a fractured political landscape. His past roles lacked the messy compromises of real politics, leaving doubts about his adaptability and vision.

    Your critique of PP is speculative and irrelevant to the discussion at hand. Whether PP has clearance or plays political games doesn’t absolve Carney of his own deficiencies. This strawman argument shifts focus away from evaluating Carney’s ability to lead, which remains the core issue.

    Deflection doesn’t strengthen your case—it weakens it. Leadership demands scrutiny, not comparisons.

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